Book Project
Genocide and Cultural Change:
Civilian Survival Strategies and the Reinvention of Political Culture during Guatemala's Mayan Genocide.
Civilian Survival Strategies and the Reinvention of Political Culture during Guatemala's Mayan Genocide.
Peer-Reviewed Publications
Peace Scholarship and the Local Turn: Hierarchies in the Production of Knowledge about Peace (2022) Journal of Peace Research
(with Anna Johnson, Sehrazat Mart, Mark Robison and Caroline Hughes)
Read the article here
The ‘local turn’ in peacebuilding has focused attention on the importance of cultural resources available for peacemaking in ‘local’ conflict-affected contexts, and particularly in non-Western countries. Growing attention is now also paid to establishing whether the academic field of peace studies itself is inclusive of non-Western voices and perspectives. This article presents a new dataset of 4,318 journal articles on peace indexed in Web of Science between 2015 and 2018 to discover asymmetric patterns of publication and scholarly gatekeeping between higher-income and lower-income countries. Analysis of the data collected suggests that 15 years after the ‘local turn,’ higher-income countries continue to dominate the field across the domains of publishing institutions; scholarship about non-high-income countries; the conduct and focus of research collaborations; claims to theorization; and the discourse of the field. However, positive change is being driven by a proliferation of scholarship in upper-middle-income countries, characterized by intranational collaborations between scholars writing about their own countries in their own national journals.
(with Anna Johnson, Sehrazat Mart, Mark Robison and Caroline Hughes)
Read the article here
The ‘local turn’ in peacebuilding has focused attention on the importance of cultural resources available for peacemaking in ‘local’ conflict-affected contexts, and particularly in non-Western countries. Growing attention is now also paid to establishing whether the academic field of peace studies itself is inclusive of non-Western voices and perspectives. This article presents a new dataset of 4,318 journal articles on peace indexed in Web of Science between 2015 and 2018 to discover asymmetric patterns of publication and scholarly gatekeeping between higher-income and lower-income countries. Analysis of the data collected suggests that 15 years after the ‘local turn,’ higher-income countries continue to dominate the field across the domains of publishing institutions; scholarship about non-high-income countries; the conduct and focus of research collaborations; claims to theorization; and the discourse of the field. However, positive change is being driven by a proliferation of scholarship in upper-middle-income countries, characterized by intranational collaborations between scholars writing about their own countries in their own national journals.
Work Under Review
Roving Rulers: How Armed Groups Govern Without Territorial Control
(with Hannah Early-Bagdanov)
The rebel governance literature has long assumed that rebel groups must first control territory in order to govern. However, upon a closer examination of the empirical record regarding patterns of territorial control and governance, we find evidence to the contrary; instead, armed groups regularly perform governance functions in the absence of territorial control. But how? In this article we first use fixed effects regressions to show that the territorial control assumption is more tenuous than is often presumed in the rebel governance literature. We then identify five alternative mechanisms that enable groups to extend their influence into territories that they do not control, and ultimately, to govern. After constructing a typology of these five mechanisms using qualitative case evidence, we then provide suggestive quantitative evidence of the functioning of these mechanisms by estimating fixed effects regressions on a subset of rebel groups that do not control territory. Our article paves the way for future work to consider whether increasing the scope of cases included in the definition of rebel governance alters our understanding of the emergence or impact of rebel governance schemes in contexts of conflict and civil war.
Can Refugee Autonomy Increase Post-Conflict Political Participation? Evidence from a Natural Experiment with Guatemalan Refugees in Mexico.
Research on refugees emphasizes the externalities associates with refugee presence in host countries, but little is still known about the long-term impact of exile on refugee political behavior. Although the international refugee regime promotes the importance of self-reliance as a durable solution for the increasing numbers of refugees worldwide, little is yet known about the exact effects of refugee self-organization on their political behavior after the war. This paper leverages the exogenous assignment of Guatemalan refugees to Mexican camps during the Guatemala internal armed conflict in the 1980s and their posterior return to Guatemala to assess how varying level of refugee self-organization shaped the post-conflict political behavior of the former refugees and their impact on return communities. The findings suggest that refugees that enjoyed higher levels of self-organization while in exile developed greater levels of political activism in the post-conflict period, compared to refugees with lower levels of self-organization and similar non-refugee communities. This article proposes that access to self-organization allowed the refugees to develop an assertive political culture in the first case, which explains greater levels of political engagement today. The effects of refugee self-organization are found to endure after the end of the war and refugees’ return home but are, however, conditional on the social capital of return communities. When the refugees returned to communities whose social infrastructure had been destroyed during the war, the effects of political organization in exile quickly waned, while they remarkably endured when the refugees settled in their own separate communities. This paper provides important contributions to understand the effects of civilian agency during wars on post-conflict political behavior.
(with Hannah Early-Bagdanov)
The rebel governance literature has long assumed that rebel groups must first control territory in order to govern. However, upon a closer examination of the empirical record regarding patterns of territorial control and governance, we find evidence to the contrary; instead, armed groups regularly perform governance functions in the absence of territorial control. But how? In this article we first use fixed effects regressions to show that the territorial control assumption is more tenuous than is often presumed in the rebel governance literature. We then identify five alternative mechanisms that enable groups to extend their influence into territories that they do not control, and ultimately, to govern. After constructing a typology of these five mechanisms using qualitative case evidence, we then provide suggestive quantitative evidence of the functioning of these mechanisms by estimating fixed effects regressions on a subset of rebel groups that do not control territory. Our article paves the way for future work to consider whether increasing the scope of cases included in the definition of rebel governance alters our understanding of the emergence or impact of rebel governance schemes in contexts of conflict and civil war.
Can Refugee Autonomy Increase Post-Conflict Political Participation? Evidence from a Natural Experiment with Guatemalan Refugees in Mexico.
Research on refugees emphasizes the externalities associates with refugee presence in host countries, but little is still known about the long-term impact of exile on refugee political behavior. Although the international refugee regime promotes the importance of self-reliance as a durable solution for the increasing numbers of refugees worldwide, little is yet known about the exact effects of refugee self-organization on their political behavior after the war. This paper leverages the exogenous assignment of Guatemalan refugees to Mexican camps during the Guatemala internal armed conflict in the 1980s and their posterior return to Guatemala to assess how varying level of refugee self-organization shaped the post-conflict political behavior of the former refugees and their impact on return communities. The findings suggest that refugees that enjoyed higher levels of self-organization while in exile developed greater levels of political activism in the post-conflict period, compared to refugees with lower levels of self-organization and similar non-refugee communities. This article proposes that access to self-organization allowed the refugees to develop an assertive political culture in the first case, which explains greater levels of political engagement today. The effects of refugee self-organization are found to endure after the end of the war and refugees’ return home but are, however, conditional on the social capital of return communities. When the refugees returned to communities whose social infrastructure had been destroyed during the war, the effects of political organization in exile quickly waned, while they remarkably endured when the refugees settled in their own separate communities. This paper provides important contributions to understand the effects of civilian agency during wars on post-conflict political behavior.
Data Collection
Human Rights or Criminals' Rights?
(With Regina Bateson)
Laboratories of Violence: Wartime Governance Orders and Post-Conflict Political Engagement in Colombia
(Kellogg Institute for International Studies - Legacy Project Grant)
Against previous narratives that conceptualized wars as periods of chaos, recent scholarship has now established that warzones are often orderly. Non-state armed groups frequently attempt to establish alternative governance regimes in the territories they control, establishing alternative institutions, norms and monopolizing violence. Although an important body of research has focused on the design of these governance orders and the agency of civilians to negotiate with non-state armed groups in those areas, less is known about the impact of alternative governance orders on the long-term political behavior of civilian populations. Using Natural Language Processing over 2,500 testimonies collected by the Colombian Truth Commission and longitudinal data on municipal-level contentious politics in six departments of Colombia, this paper examines the effects of different wartime governance regimes and patterns of violence on the political behavior of civilians in war zones. The results suggests that variation in the type of violence experienced by civilians, civilian involvement in wartime governance, and civilians’ perceptions of armed groups explain variation in the intensity and kind of civilian political engagement after the signing of the Peace Accords in 2016.
Improving Experimental Survey Vignettes with Generative AI
(With Jacob Turner)
(With Regina Bateson)
Laboratories of Violence: Wartime Governance Orders and Post-Conflict Political Engagement in Colombia
(Kellogg Institute for International Studies - Legacy Project Grant)
Against previous narratives that conceptualized wars as periods of chaos, recent scholarship has now established that warzones are often orderly. Non-state armed groups frequently attempt to establish alternative governance regimes in the territories they control, establishing alternative institutions, norms and monopolizing violence. Although an important body of research has focused on the design of these governance orders and the agency of civilians to negotiate with non-state armed groups in those areas, less is known about the impact of alternative governance orders on the long-term political behavior of civilian populations. Using Natural Language Processing over 2,500 testimonies collected by the Colombian Truth Commission and longitudinal data on municipal-level contentious politics in six departments of Colombia, this paper examines the effects of different wartime governance regimes and patterns of violence on the political behavior of civilians in war zones. The results suggests that variation in the type of violence experienced by civilians, civilian involvement in wartime governance, and civilians’ perceptions of armed groups explain variation in the intensity and kind of civilian political engagement after the signing of the Peace Accords in 2016.
Improving Experimental Survey Vignettes with Generative AI
(With Jacob Turner)
Other Publications and Public Outreach
Who Has the Edge in Guatemala’s Presidential Race?, Featured Q&A, Latin America Advisor, The Dialogue, 11 April 2023, find commentary here
‘La Juridiction Spéciale pour la Paix colombienne: juge impartial ou institution politisée?’, Délibérée 9(1) – (The Special Jurisdiction for Peace in Colombia : impartial judge or politicized institution ?)
Available in French here
La participación de las víctimas en el Sistema integral de verdad, justicia, reparación y no repetición (2017)
(book with Consuelo Linares and Juan Carlos Ospina, Comisión Colombiana de Juristas)
Available in Spanish here
From the penal prosecution of the Nuremberg trials to the massive diffusion of transitional justice measures since the 1980s, the participation of those who suffered massive violations of their most basic rights has been dramatically transformed. Transitional justice devices are increasingly designed to reflect the voice of victims and give them centrality as subjects of rights. Yet, the protagonism of victims has proved far from uniform across cases and has instead become one of the most problematic components of the newly-created transitional justice systems. Point 5 of the Colombian Peace Accords emphasizes the importance of victims' participation for the implementation of the agreements achieved between the FARC and the government. To this end, the Accords created the Integral System for Truth, Justice, Reparation and Non-Repetition (SIVJRNR), tasked with ensuring the centrality of victims in the pursuit of those objectives. This book analyzes the efficacy the SIVJRNR for ensuring victims participation in the definition, implementation and monitoring of the Colombian transitional justice system. It offers recommendations in light of international norms regarding victims' participation in transitional justice and applicable Colombian jurisprudence.
‘La Juridiction Spéciale pour la Paix colombienne: juge impartial ou institution politisée?’, Délibérée 9(1) – (The Special Jurisdiction for Peace in Colombia : impartial judge or politicized institution ?)
Available in French here
La participación de las víctimas en el Sistema integral de verdad, justicia, reparación y no repetición (2017)
(book with Consuelo Linares and Juan Carlos Ospina, Comisión Colombiana de Juristas)
Available in Spanish here
From the penal prosecution of the Nuremberg trials to the massive diffusion of transitional justice measures since the 1980s, the participation of those who suffered massive violations of their most basic rights has been dramatically transformed. Transitional justice devices are increasingly designed to reflect the voice of victims and give them centrality as subjects of rights. Yet, the protagonism of victims has proved far from uniform across cases and has instead become one of the most problematic components of the newly-created transitional justice systems. Point 5 of the Colombian Peace Accords emphasizes the importance of victims' participation for the implementation of the agreements achieved between the FARC and the government. To this end, the Accords created the Integral System for Truth, Justice, Reparation and Non-Repetition (SIVJRNR), tasked with ensuring the centrality of victims in the pursuit of those objectives. This book analyzes the efficacy the SIVJRNR for ensuring victims participation in the definition, implementation and monitoring of the Colombian transitional justice system. It offers recommendations in light of international norms regarding victims' participation in transitional justice and applicable Colombian jurisprudence.