Book Project
Genocide and Cultural Change:
Civilian Survival Strategies and the Reinvention of Political Culture during Guatemala's Mayan Genocide.
Civilian Survival Strategies and the Reinvention of Political Culture during Guatemala's Mayan Genocide.
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Why does genocide lead to increased participation in victimized communities in some cases but not in others in the post conflict period? Why is violence in some cases a collectivizing experience but an atomizing and individualizing one in others? My dissertation examines how the political cultures that form as a result of civilian experiences during genocide affect the political participation of war survivors and their descendants in the post-conflict era. Specifically, I argue that the different survival strategies adopted by civilians during genocide explain the emergence of politically-mobilizing political cultures in some places but not others.
This research advances our understanding of the mechanisms linking past violence to present-day political participation. It empirically contributes to the literature on the legacies of violence by investigating the microsocial processes of genocide and their effects on different patterns of postwar political participation. This research also has important implications for peacebuilding, in Latin America and elsewhere; at a time where the field of Peace and Justice Studies is still struggling to make the “local turn” a reality, my work shows how genocide survivors become agents of the struggle for global justice, and not mere passive victims of wartime violence. Using the case of indigenous communities in Guatemala that survived a genocide in the 1980s, I employ a natural experiment, archive work, interviews, focus groups and a survey to develop a theory of political culture change amidst genocide. |
 Community Townhall in the indigenous community of Primavera del Ixcán, Guatemala 2022
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Peer-Reviewed Publications
Peace Scholarship and the Local Turn: Hierarchies in the Production of Knowledge about Peace (2022) Journal of Peace Research
(with Anna Johnson, Sehrazat Mart, Mark Robison and Caroline Hughes), 10.1177/00223433221088035
The ‘local turn’ in peacebuilding has focused attention on the importance of cultural resources available for peacemaking in ‘local’ conflict-affected contexts, and particularly in non-Western countries. Growing attention is now also paid to establishing whether the academic field of peace studies itself is inclusive of non-Western voices and perspectives. This article presents a new dataset of 4,318 journal articles on peace indexed in Web of Science between 2015 and 2018 to discover asymmetric patterns of publication and scholarly gatekeeping between higher-income and lower-income countries. Analysis of the data collected suggests that 15 years after the ‘local turn,’ higher-income countries continue to dominate the field across the domains of publishing institutions; scholarship about non-high-income countries; the conduct and focus of research collaborations; claims to theorization; and the discourse of the field. However, positive change is being driven by a proliferation of scholarship in upper-middle-income countries, characterized by intranational collaborations between scholars writing about their own countries in their own national journals.
(with Anna Johnson, Sehrazat Mart, Mark Robison and Caroline Hughes), 10.1177/00223433221088035
The ‘local turn’ in peacebuilding has focused attention on the importance of cultural resources available for peacemaking in ‘local’ conflict-affected contexts, and particularly in non-Western countries. Growing attention is now also paid to establishing whether the academic field of peace studies itself is inclusive of non-Western voices and perspectives. This article presents a new dataset of 4,318 journal articles on peace indexed in Web of Science between 2015 and 2018 to discover asymmetric patterns of publication and scholarly gatekeeping between higher-income and lower-income countries. Analysis of the data collected suggests that 15 years after the ‘local turn,’ higher-income countries continue to dominate the field across the domains of publishing institutions; scholarship about non-high-income countries; the conduct and focus of research collaborations; claims to theorization; and the discourse of the field. However, positive change is being driven by a proliferation of scholarship in upper-middle-income countries, characterized by intranational collaborations between scholars writing about their own countries in their own national journals.
Work Under Review
Roving Rulers: How Armed Groups Govern Without Territorial Control - Invited to Revise and Resubmit
(with Hannah Early-Bagdanov)
Traditional rebel governance scholarship, rooted in Olson’s “stationary bandit” model, assumes rebels aim to build alternative states through territorial control. Recent research suggests that rebels pursue diverse goals and govern through social control, the "roving ruler" model of governance. This article systematically examines the relationship between territorial and social control across discrete governance sectors for 145 rebel groups (1980-2011). Our findings reveal that territorial control predicts certain governance functions—such as policing and elections—while social control explains others, including taxation and healthcare. By broadening the understanding of governance in civil wars, this study challenges state-centric models of rebel governance.
Can Refugee Autonomy Increase Post-Conflict Political Participation? Evidence from a Natural Experiment with Guatemalan Refugees in Mexico.
Research on refugees emphasizes the externalities associates with refugee presence in host countries, but little is still known about the long-term impact of exile on refugee political behavior. Although the international refugee regime promotes the importance of self-reliance as a durable solution for the increasing numbers of refugees worldwide, little is yet known about the exact effects of refugee self-organization on their political behavior after the war. This paper leverages the exogenous assignment of Guatemalan refugees to Mexican camps during the Guatemala internal armed conflict in the 1980s and their posterior return to Guatemala to assess how varying level of refugee self-organization shaped the post-conflict political behavior of the former refugees and their impact on return communities. The findings suggest that refugees that enjoyed higher levels of self-organization while in exile developed greater levels of political activism in the post-conflict period, compared to refugees with lower levels of self-organization and similar non-refugee communities. This article proposes that access to self-organization allowed the refugees to develop an assertive political culture in the first case, which explains greater levels of political engagement today. The effects of refugee self-organization are found to endure after the end of the war and refugees’ return home but are, however, conditional on the social capital of return communities. When the refugees returned to communities whose social infrastructure had been destroyed during the war, the effects of political organization in exile quickly waned, while they remarkably endured when the refugees settled in their own separate communities. This paper provides important contributions to understand the effects of civilian agency during wars on post-conflict political behavior.
Check out a three minute video summarizing the paper's argument here.
(with Hannah Early-Bagdanov)
Traditional rebel governance scholarship, rooted in Olson’s “stationary bandit” model, assumes rebels aim to build alternative states through territorial control. Recent research suggests that rebels pursue diverse goals and govern through social control, the "roving ruler" model of governance. This article systematically examines the relationship between territorial and social control across discrete governance sectors for 145 rebel groups (1980-2011). Our findings reveal that territorial control predicts certain governance functions—such as policing and elections—while social control explains others, including taxation and healthcare. By broadening the understanding of governance in civil wars, this study challenges state-centric models of rebel governance.
Can Refugee Autonomy Increase Post-Conflict Political Participation? Evidence from a Natural Experiment with Guatemalan Refugees in Mexico.
Research on refugees emphasizes the externalities associates with refugee presence in host countries, but little is still known about the long-term impact of exile on refugee political behavior. Although the international refugee regime promotes the importance of self-reliance as a durable solution for the increasing numbers of refugees worldwide, little is yet known about the exact effects of refugee self-organization on their political behavior after the war. This paper leverages the exogenous assignment of Guatemalan refugees to Mexican camps during the Guatemala internal armed conflict in the 1980s and their posterior return to Guatemala to assess how varying level of refugee self-organization shaped the post-conflict political behavior of the former refugees and their impact on return communities. The findings suggest that refugees that enjoyed higher levels of self-organization while in exile developed greater levels of political activism in the post-conflict period, compared to refugees with lower levels of self-organization and similar non-refugee communities. This article proposes that access to self-organization allowed the refugees to develop an assertive political culture in the first case, which explains greater levels of political engagement today. The effects of refugee self-organization are found to endure after the end of the war and refugees’ return home but are, however, conditional on the social capital of return communities. When the refugees returned to communities whose social infrastructure had been destroyed during the war, the effects of political organization in exile quickly waned, while they remarkably endured when the refugees settled in their own separate communities. This paper provides important contributions to understand the effects of civilian agency during wars on post-conflict political behavior.
Check out a three minute video summarizing the paper's argument here.
Work in Progress
Human Rights or Criminals' Rights? Crime, Violence, and the Popular Delegitimization of Human Rights in Latin America
(With Regina Bateson) - draft available upon request
This paper examines the growing skepticism toward human rights in Latin America, particularly in the context of rising crime and insecurity. While the region has made significant strides in peacebuilding, democratization, and justice for past human rights violations, a troubling narrative has emerged that frames human rights as protections primarily for criminals rather than victims. We analyze this critique, which has circulated widely since the 1990s, and argue that it reflects a broader historical effort by states to undermine the concept of human rights. Using survey experiments, we show that exposure to crime-related concerns reduces public support for human rights, suggesting that fear of crime can actively erode confidence in these protections. Further, in-depth interviews reveal that this criticism is often driven by a perception that the rights and security of victims are neglected, a phenomenon we call "relative security deprivation." Finally, we propose policy interventions aimed at addressing this imbalance, fostering greater public trust in human rights, and strengthening democratic institutions in the face of widespread criminal violence.
When the State Comes Back: Legacies of Rebel Governance and Statebuilding in Colombia
(Kellogg Institute for International Studies - Legacy Project Grant)
Rebuilding state authority in post-conflict settings represents a critical challenge, particularly in territories previously controlled by armed groups. In these areas, the state must contend with limited infrastructure, deep-seated distrust, and the legacy of rebel governance. This article examines the dynamics of statebuilding in former rebel-held territories, with a focus on Colombia. Drawing on data about civilians’ percepetions of state and rebel service provision, protest data, and records of armed group resurgence, this study investigates three interrelated questions: (1) how rebel governance shapes civilians’ perceptions of state service delivery in the pos-conflict, (2) how these perceptions influence civic engagement, and (3) whether perceived degradation in service provision between rebel and state rules fosters the resurgence of armed groups. The findings underscore the pivotal role of service and security provision in consolidating state authority and preventing governance vacuums.
Criminal El Dorado: How the Resource Boom Shaped Organized Crime in Latin America
(With Moises Arce) - draft available upon request
The 2000s commodity boom in Latin America expanded natural resource exports and labor markets, with regulatory frameworks shaping market dynamics and determining winners and losers. While some countries protected small-scale producers, others prioritized transnational capital, creating enforcement gaps that allowed criminal organizations to infiltrate the extractive sector. This paper examines how natural resource prices, institutional regulations, and governance structures influenced criminal activity in Peru, Guatemala, and Colombia. It argues that variation in criminal governance is shaped by the interaction between regulatory frameworks—whether they favored transnational corporations or small-scale producers—and the controllability of the value chain. Using a mixed-methods approach, including fieldwork, interviews, and archival research, the study highlights how weak institutional enforcement fosters informal regulation by criminal groups.The paper contributes to understanding the relationship between economic shifts, market regulation, and illicit activities, offering insights into the implications for violence, environmental protection, and community displacement across different extractive industries.
Illicit Activities and Public Procurement: How Commodity Booms Encourage Illicit Activities and Corruption
(With Diego Romero)
A cause without rebels or rebels without a cause? Trajectories of Post-Conflict Remobilization in Guatemala and Colombia
(With José Gutierrez Danton and Nina Caspersen)
(With Regina Bateson) - draft available upon request
This paper examines the growing skepticism toward human rights in Latin America, particularly in the context of rising crime and insecurity. While the region has made significant strides in peacebuilding, democratization, and justice for past human rights violations, a troubling narrative has emerged that frames human rights as protections primarily for criminals rather than victims. We analyze this critique, which has circulated widely since the 1990s, and argue that it reflects a broader historical effort by states to undermine the concept of human rights. Using survey experiments, we show that exposure to crime-related concerns reduces public support for human rights, suggesting that fear of crime can actively erode confidence in these protections. Further, in-depth interviews reveal that this criticism is often driven by a perception that the rights and security of victims are neglected, a phenomenon we call "relative security deprivation." Finally, we propose policy interventions aimed at addressing this imbalance, fostering greater public trust in human rights, and strengthening democratic institutions in the face of widespread criminal violence.
When the State Comes Back: Legacies of Rebel Governance and Statebuilding in Colombia
(Kellogg Institute for International Studies - Legacy Project Grant)
Rebuilding state authority in post-conflict settings represents a critical challenge, particularly in territories previously controlled by armed groups. In these areas, the state must contend with limited infrastructure, deep-seated distrust, and the legacy of rebel governance. This article examines the dynamics of statebuilding in former rebel-held territories, with a focus on Colombia. Drawing on data about civilians’ percepetions of state and rebel service provision, protest data, and records of armed group resurgence, this study investigates three interrelated questions: (1) how rebel governance shapes civilians’ perceptions of state service delivery in the pos-conflict, (2) how these perceptions influence civic engagement, and (3) whether perceived degradation in service provision between rebel and state rules fosters the resurgence of armed groups. The findings underscore the pivotal role of service and security provision in consolidating state authority and preventing governance vacuums.
Criminal El Dorado: How the Resource Boom Shaped Organized Crime in Latin America
(With Moises Arce) - draft available upon request
The 2000s commodity boom in Latin America expanded natural resource exports and labor markets, with regulatory frameworks shaping market dynamics and determining winners and losers. While some countries protected small-scale producers, others prioritized transnational capital, creating enforcement gaps that allowed criminal organizations to infiltrate the extractive sector. This paper examines how natural resource prices, institutional regulations, and governance structures influenced criminal activity in Peru, Guatemala, and Colombia. It argues that variation in criminal governance is shaped by the interaction between regulatory frameworks—whether they favored transnational corporations or small-scale producers—and the controllability of the value chain. Using a mixed-methods approach, including fieldwork, interviews, and archival research, the study highlights how weak institutional enforcement fosters informal regulation by criminal groups.The paper contributes to understanding the relationship between economic shifts, market regulation, and illicit activities, offering insights into the implications for violence, environmental protection, and community displacement across different extractive industries.
Illicit Activities and Public Procurement: How Commodity Booms Encourage Illicit Activities and Corruption
(With Diego Romero)
A cause without rebels or rebels without a cause? Trajectories of Post-Conflict Remobilization in Guatemala and Colombia
(With José Gutierrez Danton and Nina Caspersen)
Book Reviews
Omar Sanchez-Sibony (ed.). State-Society Relations in Guatemala: Theory and Practice. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2023. Latin American Politics and Society. 10.1017/lap.2024.33
Other Publications and Public Outreach
Who Has the Edge in Guatemala’s Presidential Race?, Featured Q&A, Latin America Advisor, The Dialogue, 11 April 2023, find commentary here
‘La Juridiction Spéciale pour la Paix colombienne: juge impartial ou institution politisée?’, Délibérée 9(1) – (The Special Jurisdiction for Peace in Colombia : impartial judge or politicized institution ?)
Available in French here
La participación de las víctimas en el Sistema integral de verdad, justicia, reparación y no repetición (2017)
(book with Consuelo Linares and Juan Carlos Ospina, Comisión Colombiana de Juristas)
Available in Spanish here
From the penal prosecution of the Nuremberg trials to the massive diffusion of transitional justice measures since the 1980s, the participation of those who suffered massive violations of their most basic rights has been dramatically transformed. Transitional justice devices are increasingly designed to reflect the voice of victims and give them centrality as subjects of rights. Yet, the protagonism of victims has proved far from uniform across cases and has instead become one of the most problematic components of the newly-created transitional justice systems. Point 5 of the Colombian Peace Accords emphasizes the importance of victims' participation for the implementation of the agreements achieved between the FARC and the government. To this end, the Accords created the Integral System for Truth, Justice, Reparation and Non-Repetition (SIVJRNR), tasked with ensuring the centrality of victims in the pursuit of those objectives. This book analyzes the efficacy the SIVJRNR for ensuring victims participation in the definition, implementation and monitoring of the Colombian transitional justice system. It offers recommendations in light of international norms regarding victims' participation in transitional justice and applicable Colombian jurisprudence.
‘La Juridiction Spéciale pour la Paix colombienne: juge impartial ou institution politisée?’, Délibérée 9(1) – (The Special Jurisdiction for Peace in Colombia : impartial judge or politicized institution ?)
Available in French here
La participación de las víctimas en el Sistema integral de verdad, justicia, reparación y no repetición (2017)
(book with Consuelo Linares and Juan Carlos Ospina, Comisión Colombiana de Juristas)
Available in Spanish here
From the penal prosecution of the Nuremberg trials to the massive diffusion of transitional justice measures since the 1980s, the participation of those who suffered massive violations of their most basic rights has been dramatically transformed. Transitional justice devices are increasingly designed to reflect the voice of victims and give them centrality as subjects of rights. Yet, the protagonism of victims has proved far from uniform across cases and has instead become one of the most problematic components of the newly-created transitional justice systems. Point 5 of the Colombian Peace Accords emphasizes the importance of victims' participation for the implementation of the agreements achieved between the FARC and the government. To this end, the Accords created the Integral System for Truth, Justice, Reparation and Non-Repetition (SIVJRNR), tasked with ensuring the centrality of victims in the pursuit of those objectives. This book analyzes the efficacy the SIVJRNR for ensuring victims participation in the definition, implementation and monitoring of the Colombian transitional justice system. It offers recommendations in light of international norms regarding victims' participation in transitional justice and applicable Colombian jurisprudence.
